Monday 6 May 2013

English Comprehension - 1


My advice to readers would be to mark your answers first and then refer the answers. Comprehension passages in the competitive exams will be of these types.

English Comprehension – 1

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions that follow in accordance with the context of the passage.


The eighteenth century saw the emergence of a number of radically different types of social theories which had one feature in common, an emphasis on spontaneous forms of social organization and a corresponding stress on the autonomy of the social sphere from political direction. Within this broad assumption, three distinct modes of theorizing developed. The first, embodied largely in contract, utilitarian and classical economic theories, sought to explain society in terms of individual intentions and w social coherence as emerging from the willingness of individuals to serve the needs of the others in order to satisfy their own. The second, taking shape in what might be called cultural sociology, derived social coherence from the shared values of a society, varying from community to community but in all constituting severe limits to political action. The third, expressed in various historicist philosophies, asserted the patterning of social development over time and the possibility of predicting as well as retrofitting this patterning, thus again setting bounds to political possibilities. The political uses f these varieties of social analysis have been complex, but again, broadly, the first has been identified with classical laissez faire liberalism, the second has been developed by and supported conservative thought of one kind or another, while the third has been peculiarly although not exclusively associated with Marxist socialism. Whatever their political applications, these theories have in common,  served the purpose of underlining the limited efficacy or even the positive disutility of political intervention in social arrangements, the marginal use of politics.   

I am concerned here with the first of these modes of theorizing, exchange theory. The central assumptions of exchange theory, necessarily postulates about individual psychology or motivation, have been egoism, the self-interest axiom and rationality – the capacity and inclination of men to choose appropriate means for the ends they have in mind. The central assertion of the theory has been that social cohesion may be achieved through (if men are egoistic and can be taught to be rational) or, is based on (if men are both egoistic and rational) the adaptation of individual actions to the needs of others  and to general social ends in the course of their pursuit of their own interests, and without any appeal to cohesive values other than those involved in the acceptance of common media of exchange. The central intellectual construct of the theory has been the notion of the market(or, as Hayek has called it, in order to free the term of its narrowly economic implications, a catallaxy), the notion of a spontaneous and self-adjusting order which emerges from the mutual exchange of benefits between self-interested individuals.    

The political requirement seen as necessary to sustain, such a catallaxy were minimal. One arose from the need to enforce agreements. Rational egoists in a world of rational egoists had to have some insurance against the excesses of egoism and some assurance therefore that promises and bargains would be enforced. The other problem demanding a political solution was the need to prevent monopoly and perhaps to stimulate competition, so as to maintain sufficient alternatives for the individual, either as supplier or demander meaningfully to measure opportunity costs. Another political problem that might seem to present itself – that different individuals carry different resources into the market – was ignored, or rather, it was ignored as a moral problem requiring perhaps a political solution, while it was explained as a social fact in exchange terms through the division of labour, inequality of capacities, demand differentials and thus exchange inequalities. The moral problem of inequality was avoided by insisting on the moral neutrality of the market and also on the claim that inequalities in the distribution of resources derived from exchange inequalities.

There have thus been two analytical thrusts in catallactics or exchange theory: firstly and primarily to explain and predict the behaviour of individuals or groups engaged in exchange within a given distribution of resources; secondly and secondarily to describe how differentials emerge, are maintained and may change, primarily through division of labour explanations. Used ideologically, as a justification of a particular type of political system or programme, the theory has claimed some moral superiority for the spontaneous order of a catallaxy over an order decided on politically and maintained by political power. One basis for such a claim has been utilitarian form, but most of the weight of justification has rested ion the supposed voluntary character of entry into and agreement within exchange relationships in contrast for example with the coercive character of power relationships. Bargains are freely arrived at, political obedience is essentially unfree; and thus the prima facie prferabiliy of the first is obvious.

1.    Utilitarian theory has been associated with
    
a)    Conservative thought                    b) Marxist socialism

c)    Historicist philosophies                d)  Laissez faire philosophy

2.    The central assumption of exchange theory is

a)    Social cohesion         b)  predicted patterning       c)  Self-interest axiom   

d)    positive disutility
 
3.    One of the most important assumptions of the exchange theory has been
 
a)    Rational egocentrism     b)  self-adjusting order   c)   laissez faire     

d)    moral non-neutrality

4.    Cultural sociology is associated with

a)    Willingness of individuals to serve the needs of others

b)    Patterning of social development

c)    Capacity of men to achieve their ends

d)    None of the above
 
5.    Under laissez faire, political interference was considered necessary in all the following cases except in case of

a)    Enforcing agreements    b) correcting exchange inequalities   c) preventing monopolies       d) maintaining competition

6.    The supposed superiority of the exchange theory primarily rested on the fact that

a)    It helped to predict individual behaviour fairly accurately

b)    The division of labour explanations offered by the theory were correct to a point

c)    The exchange relationships were entered into voluntarily

d)    It required minimal political interference

7.    The term “positive disutility” in the context (last sentence, para 1) means

a)    Violation of the principles of utilitarianism

b)    Dangerous inadequacy

c)    Abnormal excess

d)    Clearly harmful potential 

8.    Which of the following statements is true?

a)    Exchange theory is clearly morally superior, just and fair

b)    All social arrangements other than laissez faire leaned heavily on governmental intervention

c)    The marked similarity among the social theories emerging in the 18th century was their aversion to the moral problem of inequality.

d)    Along with Marxism, there are other schools of thought which are associated with historicist thinking 

9.     Which of the following is not necessarily one of the psychological assumptions of the classical economic theory?

a)    Men are basically egoistic

b)    Men are motivated by self-interest

c)    Cohesive social values can be attained without any conscious effort to attain them

d)    Only egoistic men who are motivated by self-interest can act rationally.

Answers:

1.    (d)    2.   (c)    3.   (b)    4.  (d)      5.   (b)      6.   (c)    7.   (d)     8.   (d)      9.  (d)

 

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